Minneapolis school reform advocates are celebrating a victory in
Minneapolis, and they should be. The victory elevated a number of
democrats to the city council who seem to favor demanding concessions
or cooperation from the labor movement in reforming public education in
the the city. Possibly this victory represents a change in the focus
of the DFL, or possibly it simply means that the DFL is willing to
tolerate education change agents in the elective council that has no
powers to make that change. But the tone of the dialog among DFL
candidates in the Council race suggests that a change is occurring at
the core of the urban DFL that's saying, enough is enough, we need to
put kids first in the way we run our schools. And if that happens in
Minneapolis, possibly it could infect democrats at the legislature and
in the Governor's mansion, and that would be a great step forward. If
these changes results in change that actually works, then this could
be a watershed moment in education here in Minnesota. But its going
to take a whole lot more than just electing the new generation of
democrats to the City Council to make a difference for kids in schools.
The danger
is that the change that results from all this reform talk will not
translate into changes that actually work for the young people whom
the change movement is supposed to benefit. Let me start with the
gruesome facts regarding the impact of No Child Left Behind and other
reforms that have occurred since 2000. Contrary to media hype fed by
some elements in the reform movement, reading and math scores for
whites, blacks and Hispanics have risen modestly since 1970. That's since 1970, folks,
twenty years before the passage of No Child Left Behind. And,
contrary to recent breathless claims among some reform advocates, recent increases in scores have not outpaced the increases that occurred back in the 1970's. National
reforms, the testing, the anti-union movement, attempts at
privatization, and all the rest, have not measurably improved the pace
of educational improvement any more than what occurred decades ago.
The introduction of charter schools has not worked on a global scale.
The introduction of futher competition in public schools has not
worked on a global scale. The evidence on the impact of charter
schools and school competition is controversial, but the Minnesota's
non-partisan study of charter schools
conducted by the Office of Legislative Auditor does not support a claim
that the system of charter schools is improving education on a global
scale. Traditional publics are doing as well as charters with the
target population.
I'm not suggesting that the evidence tells us that we are doing well enough. Nor,
am I supporting the folks who claim that we can't make quantum leaps in
education until we eliminate poverty or drive out all racism.
On the contrary, I'm suggesting that the evidence is telling us that
we haven't been bold enough, or persistent enough, because we've been
barely scratching the surface in making the changes in teaching and
learning that must be made inside schools. Changing what we do in
classrooms is so much harder than changing the ownership of schools.
Its easy (but very expensive) to lower class size, but its very hard
to change the instruction that occurs in the class after class size is
lowered. Its relatively easy to create a bonus system to reward
teachers who happen to have students who do a bit better than some
other students, but that bonus system is unlikely to radically change
the teaching that actually occurs in the classroom.
I've
just said that charter schools have not created global improvement in
student achivement, but the introduction of charter schools has served
a very important function, which is to create examples of what works. Some charters are doing fabulously well.
I contend that they are doing fabulously well, not because they are
charters, per se, but because they are making reforms in the delivery
of instruction. They are requiring that their teaching force use data
in different ways. They are implementing changes based upon the data
acquired from test results immediately, instead of waiting until
October of the following year to examine their MCA results, when it is
far to late to use them. They are extending the school day and
extending the school year. They are creating a culture that respects
learning, and they are adjusting their teaching methods based on what
is working with their students -- all of them. They are trying new
things, not because they are fads propagated by consultants with
systems bearing their names. They are trying new things because they
make sense, and if they don't work, they are pitching them. And, of
course, when these ideas make sense, the union cannot stand in the way
and block them.
Most of these highly successful charters are
led by instructional leaders who are focused on making sure that every
student's needs are addressed. They are asking their teachers to use
direct instruction, if it works for their students. And, if it isn't
working, then they are going to get rid of it, because they are running
their schools based on results, not on preserving the status quo. If
the emerging leadership of the DFL wants to learn from charters, it
will insist that public schools take bold action to implement changes
in instruction, in teaching approaches, in use of data, in
collaboration among all professional staff, and by responding with
agility to the needs of their students. Unions
need to clear the way for these changes; policy makers need to insist
on them, because the lesson of this election is that the DFL is moving
in a new direction. That means that school leadership should identify any aspects of the labor agreement which stands in the way of
implementing that bold action. Not because unions needed to be busted
to create reform. There is just no evidence that kids are learning
more effectively where unions are dismantled. The goal is not busting
unions: the goal is to give management the ability and responsibility
to implement bold changes in instruction, and to make the necessary
changes in delivery of instruction, that the evidence tells us is
required.
Time for a Public Discussion on Delivering a Constitutionally Adequate education to Minnesota
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